There seems to be an inherent contradiction in our society with regards to the construction of body image. On the one hand, there has been a lot of public attention recently towards the role of the media in shaping our perception of body image - a good recent example of this public attention is the row surrounding the London Fashion Week (
Shulman, 2007). On the other hand, the ways in which people relate to their bodies are judged and
pathologised (Rich, 2006). As
Giddens (1991) argues, people are expected to have and express complete control over their body; they are judged when they fail to exhibit a body which fits the social criteria. Much as it is in society, this contradiction is reflected in academic research. Many studies have approached issues of body image by placing the focus on the individual (Davis & Scott-Robertson, 2000;
Woodside et al., 2001). The majority of these studies use terms which pathologies the behaviours and perspectives of individuals and place them on a ‘normality spectrum’. Many critical theorists, however, have proposed a perspective which places the onus on society and the power structures within it (Foucault cited by Hoy, 1986;
Giddens, 1991; Dias, 2003). Some studies have explored the way in which people negotiate this societal contradiction. For example, Rich (2006) have explored the manner in which this contradiction is negotiated through the discourses of patients in an eating disorders recovery clinic.
This study will apply a critical approach and explore the issue of body image through the perspectives of pro-anorexics and body-builders. These groups can be perceived in different ways. Significantly, anorexics have been struggling to define their identity (Rich, 2006). The emergence of the ‘pro-anorexia’ cyber-movement has made public the need to define anorexia as a ‘sub-culture’ rather than as a ‘mental illness’ (Dias, 2003). The social construction and identity of body-building has also been undergoing a metamorphosis; it has been constructed as homosexual, hyper-masculine, as a ‘healthy lifestyle’ and even as a pathology (
Benzie, 2000; Cook, 2000; Phillips, 1996). Importantly, these two ‘groups’ are deemed “extreme” ways of relating to the body in our society. Exploring their social construction may be insightful of the ways in which body-image is comprehended in society. In this study we have undertaken to investigate the social construction of body-builders and pro-anorexics through their repertoires. This has been done through a thematic analysis of data derived from web-journals. As
Joinson (2003) points out, the internet is a useful medium for ethnological observation. Anonymity is a key aspect which allows people freedom to discuss “usually inhibited parts of ourselves” and “taboo topics”. (
Bargh et al., 2002 cited by
Joinson, 2003; Ben
Ze’ev, 2004, cited by Adams et al. 2005) Furthermore,
Bruckman (1993, cited by
Joinson, 2003) has noted that cyberspace can serve as an identity “workshop”, allowing people to try out and negotiate different identities. In this respect, the internet is seen as fertile ground for our study.
Baudrillard (1970) argues that the body is made sense of in terms of being ‘worn’ as a dress or a ‘suit’; it is a ‘package’ we ‘inhabit’ and a ‘signifier’ (as with other commodities in our society) of social status. By subscribing to these ideas, we can demonstrate that the body in today’s society is indeed constructed as a commodity. It is suggested that the ‘Anorexic’ and the ‘Body-Builder’ are two archetypical forms in our ‘social catalogue’. These body-image commodity ideals are pursued and aspired to by individuals who heavily invest in them. Achievement of these ideals is expected, praised and idolised on an individual and social level (
Giddens, 1991;
Baudriallrd, 1970). Where achievement is not obtained in return for the investment, it is considered a failure. In westernised capitalist societies this failure to achieve the body image ideal
[1] is made sense of as a paramount failure, a failure that manifests failure in other aspects of life. People present their social status by the commodities they possess; a lack of commodities will signify not only a failure in economic terms but in professional and personal terms. Similarly, people wish to present their success, not only through their material possessions, but also through their body, equally a material they possess and ‘inhabit’. The body may signify health, happiness, success and abundance which are all signifiers of social status (
Featherstone, 1999). The body therefore, is reduced from its functional status and its reality to the status of a sign.
MethodData was derived from one ‘Pro-Anorexia’ website and one ‘Body-Building’ website. The websites were selected from the first ten hits produced by the Google search engine after the above titles were typed in. Selection was then done on the basis of several criteria, based on the selection criteria from Adams et al. (2005
): frequency of use, number of members and regulations regarding the use of these sites’ contents for research. Furthermore, only sites with public-forums that did not require registration were selected. Ethical approval was obtained from the University of Baths’ Department of Psychology Ethics Committee on the grounds that the information posted on these forums was in the public domain and that this data can, therefore, be likened to a naturalistic observation (Rodham & Gavin, 2006). Moreover, data was only collected from inactive threads that were last active two months previously, or more. In this way the researchers were relieved of any responsibility to intervene and no contact was made with the forum users. Subsequently, ten consecutive threads were randomly selected from the ‘personal journal’ forum section of each site. Threads with entirely irrelevant content, such as list of statistics with no text, were excluded and the following thread was included instead
[2].
A thematic analysis drawing on Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (Smith & Osborne, 1999) and Interpretative Repertoires (Edley, 2001) was conducted on the data. The analysis was undertaken separately for each forum and it revealed many common themes. The most common and relevant theme to the research question, however, was that of the ‘Body Image as a Commodity’. Other related themes were ‘Social Catalogue’ and ‘Managing the Body’. All of the above themes revealed certain parallels in the construction of body image. The last theme which will be discussed in this study, ‘Relation to Food’, on the other hand, was indicative of some of the differences in the way the body image is constructed by the sites’ forum users.
The Body Image as a CommodityIn the consumer society we are constantly being promised salvation through the act of consuming, that happiness and bliss are our birthrights, and that they should be gratified instantly. In the words of Featherstone (1991):
“[…] consumer culture uses images, signs and symbolic goods which summon up dreams, desires and fantasies which suggest romantic authenticity and emotional fulfilment in narcissistically pleasing oneself […]”
As Featherstone suggests, salvation in the consumer culture takes the form of pleasure and happiness. Accordingly, we are constantly exposed to images that show us what happiness ought to look like: it is usually thin, fit and young. The expressions which are used to describe an ideal physical appearance of the body, ‘fit’ and ‘in shape’, are themselves illustrative of the concepts which underlie them; to be ‘fit’ means ‘fitting’ a ‘hyper-real’ and ideal body image, and ‘in shape’ implies only certain shapes are acceptable and regarded positively.
I’m so sorry to hear of your weight issues now though and hope sincerely that you achieve your goal and reach your happy weight soon.
(Pro-Anorexia)
As we can see here in the ideal body is happiness repertoire there is a sense of striving towards happiness through attaining a certain body weight.
“[…] the obsession with youth, elegance, virility / femininity, treatments and regimes, and the sacrificial practices attaching it all bear witness to the fact that the body has today become an object of salvation. It has literally taken over that moral and ideological function from the soul.”
(Baudrillard, 1970)
This repertoire expresses the idea that salvation will come through the possession of a body ideal: “Quest for a Hard Body”, “Aspiration of Martial Accomplishment” and “quest for mass” are examples of common journal titles and phrases that construct the process of achieving the body image ideal, as a spiritual one.
What’s everyone’s Christmas wishes? I have no idea what I want (other than a 15 kg loss).
(Pro-Anorexia)
A Christmas wish can offer the ultimate desire fulfilled by the divine and in this way the speaker constructs weight loss as a salvation. It is interesting to note though, that the Christmas holiday has become extremely commercialised and that it is very strongly linked to material gifts and commodities. This illustrates a form of thinking which links divine salvation, body image and commodities.
I’m fasting too… right now I’m 64kg couse I mested my fast last night by eating… Eventhough I wont give up.. i believe I can do it and that I’ll finally be free, I’ll spread my wings and fly away like a little bird….
(Pro-Anorexia)
Accumulation of certain possessions communicates social identities and status, or, to use Bourdieu’s terms, ‘cultural capital’.
“[…] the concept cultural capital has been developed by Pierre Bourdieu (1984, 1987) and others (see Lamont and Lareau, 1988). The concept points to the way in which in parallel to economic capital which is immediately calculable, exchangeable and realizable, there also exist modes of power and processes of accumulation based upon culture in which the value of the latter, the fact that culture can be capital, is often hidden and misrecognized. Bourdieu (1987: 243) points to three forms of cultural capital: it can exist in the embodied state (style of presentation, mode of speech, beauty, etc.), objectified state (cultural goods like pictures, books, machines, buildings, etcs.), and in the institutionalized state (such as educational qualifications)”.
(Featherstone, 1991)
With regards to the body, it seems that the embodied state and the objectified state are interlinked. Since we relate to the body as a form of capital, ‘cultural capital’ which is simultaneously objectified and embodied, it is not surprising that Baudrillard (1970) entitled the body, ‘the finest consumer object’. Although the body is important for the construction of self and identity it seems to be separate from it. This paradox is expressed in the ability for change repertoire, which relates to the concept of cultural capital and accounts for the body in these terms.
[…] I’m 107! I’m freakin’ 107 today. That’s 31 pounds less than I was 2 months ago. I’m scared. Totally freaked out. I’m tall & it looks weird on me & I’ve never been this skinny before.
(Pro-Anorexia)
What we see here, is the weight and body shape being treated as an article of clothing. ‘It look weird on me’ she says, as though her weight and body form were separate from herself, something which she can almost ‘put on’ or ‘put off’ as she desires.
You are a petite little one aren’t you (bless). They say that the best things
come in small packages, so fear not, I’m not making fun of you (honest).
(Pro-Anorexia)
The body is constructed, here, as a package rather than as a whole. It is separate from the person that ‘inhabits’ this body. The idea that the body is to a certain extent separate is especially meaningful considering this ‘package’ is believed to have the ability to change.
The body image, however, is also related to the construction of the self, as it expresses a certain identity and signifies it. This is done in the same manner other commodities are used to construct identity. The body, as the ‘finest’ of these commodities, takes an integral role in this process.
[…] I HAVE TO LOSE 25 pounds though that is my goal between that and 35 pounds…… I miss my skinny cute self….. I MISS ME….
(Pro-Anorexia)
Here we clearly see how the body image is quintessential in the construction of the self. The speaker says she misses her ‘skinny cute self’, a self which is determined by her weight. In saying ‘I MISS ME’, she deems an image of self, regarded positively by society and by her, to be her authentic self. The thin or skinny body image which is perceived as having higher value in ‘cultural capital’ is viewed as the real self. It is not her ‘current’ body that is authentic; instead her body will have to change in order to achieve this ‘authenticity’. The body’s ability to change has placed an obligation for members of our western consumer society to undergo this transformation. As the means for acquiring an acceptable and appreciated body form are readily available for consumption in our society, people are expected to do so. Beauty treatments, dieting literature, gyms and many other commodities are there for people to consume; fostering consumption to achieve a body image ideal.
‘Social Catalogue’: Marketing the IdealSo far the repertoires of both the anorexia and the body-building web-journals have been discussed, without highlighting any distinctions between them
[3]. Common themes have been discussed, particularly in the way the individuals have related to their bodies. As has been argued, the body image ideal is socially constructed as a commodity; in this sense, the images of an extremely thin, emaciated body and that of the extremely muscular body can be seen as two ‘brands’ which are marketed in our society
[4]. It is proposed that these archetypes are marketed in our society and are a part of our virtual ‘social catalogue’. The body image is treated as a commodity and as such it is ‘branded’ and ‘marketed’ to target audiences. This theme has emerged primarily from the profile pictures on web-journals. Most forum members had pictures to accompany their profile; the majority of these were pictures of idols, ideal figures, predominantly figures of the body. In the pro-anorexia journals the most ubiquitous profile picture was that of a thin model which serves as an inspiration, a role model. Members often added links to ‘thinspiration’ pages, in which they present their picture selection of ‘thin-aspirations’ – thin models which represent the type of physique they wish to acquire. It is important to point out that most of these pictures were common, every-day pictures of models from advertisements and popular magazines. On the body-building forum, the same practice was observed only with different idealized images: the muscular bodies of action heroes, comic book characters and famous body-builders. A direct link can be made between these forum users’ attempts to achieve a body ideal and the construction of this ideal in the media.
‘Managing’ the Body
“The body is a cultural fact. Now, in any culture whatsoever, the mode of organization of the relation to the body reflects the mode of organization of the relation to things and of social relations. In a capitalist society, the general status of private property applies also to the body, to the way we operate socially with it and the mental representation we have of it.”
(Baudrillard, 1970)
In his seminal work, “The Consumer Society” (1970) Baudrillard argues that in today’s society (his was the 70’s) individuals have a dual interlinked representation of the body; it is socially constructed as a capital and as a consumer object. In this sense there is an investment in the body in both the psychical and economic sense of the term.
The body is used to express and signify achievement. The expression ‘beauty sells’ illustrates the use of the body as a business repertoire; it relates to appearance through a social ‘mode of organization’ which, in turn, evaluates all things for their commercial values. The body as a business repertoire used in the pro-anorexia and body-building forums was abundant in concepts and phrases that conjure up notions of consumerism and capitalism. The body is related to in terms of business jargon; with very few exceptions, all of the forum members gave their ‘stats’ (their personal statistics). These have usually included a measurement of their physical attributes and a statement of their desired ‘goals’, these are invariably to achieve desired proportions.
So here’s my stats:
Height: 5’3,5” / 164 cm
Bones: medium to heavy
HW: 194lbs/88kgs
LW: 128lbs/58kgs
CW: 166lbs/75.5kgs
GWs:
154lbs/70kgs on 01/01/2007 – start 2007 well.
143lbs/65kgs on 02/12/2007 – new semester + new study begin!!!
136/62 on 03/08/2007 – birthday
And then… 58… 54?... 50???
(Pro-Anorexia)
The body is ‘managed’ in the same way that a business is, using action plans, statistics, goals and objectives. Investments are made and results are expected. When forum members discuss their ‘progress’ they express a great sense of failure for not following through with their plans, correspondingly, the achievement of objectives is praised by individuals and fellow members.
Today’s diet wasn’t that great, I feel I should have ate another meal. Bumped into an old friend I haven’t seen for a while and ended up catching up when I should have been eating lamo. **** happens
(Body-Building)
Efficient management of the body, as in business, demands pragmatism, functionalism and prioritising; as in the example above, the task at hand is the highest priority and there are no excuses for not following the plan. Socialising instead of following a schedule is seen as an inexcusable poor performance.
The body as a business repertoire can be explained as a result of its socio-historical context which accounts for the shift in the cultural ‘mode of organization’, as succinctly described by Cook (2000):
“The retreat of economically productive work from assembly plants to techno-clerical information industries (Castells, 1996) is revealed within body-building discourses.”
Shaping the Body: Relation to Food
The different repertoires that are used when discussing food, by the pro-anorexia and body-building forum members, are indicative of the construction of their ideal body image and its meanings. On this theme, pro-anorexics and body-builders used different discourses which illustrate certain differences in their identity construction. In both cases, food was seen as vital for exerting control over the body and shaping it. Members of the pro-anorexia forum drew on a food as contamination repertoire. This repertoire constructs food as a contaminant to the body and the self and as something that should be avoided. The members of the body-building forum, however, drew on a food as substance repertoire which constructs food as a one-dimensional, functional object. It is suggested that this repertoire is used as a means to counteract certain threats to masculinity, particularly, the view that any preoccupation with body image is feminine. The food as substance repertoire, therefore, is constructed to distinguish itself from the feminine food as contamination repertoire.
In the food as contamination repertoire fasting was referred to as ‘cleansing’ and as a ‘detoxification’. Vomiting in this discourse is usually referred to as ‘purging’, this is, the purifying removal of contamination.
Just knowing that there’s no food in me makes me feel good.
(Pro-Anorexia)
Bad news is I feel pretty crap. Last night I got sick (feeling weak, runny nose, sneezing, sore throat) and last night I could hardly sleep – I kept having dreams about bread rolls! Freaky…
I hope this ‘sickness’ is just part of the ‘detoxification’ process, and I hope it goes away cuz this feels really bad.
(Pro-Anorexia)
I’m on day..errr.. 5 [of a fast] at the moment and I am sick so last night I drank a fruit juice so I had a bit of energy to fight this off. Pisses me off though coz now it’s not a ‘clean fast’ you know?[…]
Anyway, I’m not going to weigh myself today – I’m worried about that juice making me gain – so I’ll wait a few more days!
(Pro-Anorexia)
Food and eating here is amplified to the realms of the ‘fantastic’, where a single drink of juice, during a 5 day fast, is expected to have caused weight-gain. Eating prevents the fast from being ‘clean’ and this illustrates how the meaning of food, in this repertoire, transcends its nutritional qualities. It is viewed in terms of a contamination of exaggerated proportions and as a cause of weight-gain: the main obstacle to thinness.
I love food, but hate being fat. I need to get my priorities straight, I know that. Weight is so much more important than eating.
(Pro-Anorexia)
The paradoxical relationship between food and eating is even more prominent here:
I think I’m so depressed because I bought some groceries for my family and it sucks having so much food so nearby and not eating it. I don’t even want to eat it, but it’s like it’s in the kitchen taunting me. That’s all for now. Bed will help me. My boyfriend will be home soon and I don’t think he’d find it very attractive to come home to me stuffing my face and crying on the kitchen floor. Good night.
(Pro-Anorexia)
The repertoire of food as contamination is used to resolve this struggle between the need for food and the desire to be thin. To negate the need for food, it is constructed as a contaminant to the body as well as the self.
YES! I have decided to be the master of my body i.s.o listening to my effing belly and it feels great!!!
(Pro-Anorexia)
In the food as contamination repertoire there is a “calorie counting” discourse where the main focus is on avoiding calories. In the body-building food as substance repertoire there is nearly no ‘calorie talk’ at all, instead food is related to in terms of quantities in grams and of ‘protein sources’, ‘carbohydrates sources’ etc. Foods are given meaning as substances; it is often not ‘eaten’ it is ‘consumed’ and ‘meals’ are referred to as ‘intake’. The food as substance repertoire demonstrates some of the significations of the body-builder image and identity; Bukatman (1993, cited by Cook, 2000) suggests that the body builder image is associated with ‘cyborg power’:
“The muscle armoured, dynamically cabled image-identification with cyborg power also annexes the extreme rationality associated with the figure of the robot across a century of fictional narratives and images.”
The ‘cyborg body’ does not need food; it needs to consume substances, protein sources, carbohydrates etc. The vast food supplements industry can be understood as a physical manifestation of the food as substance repertoire.
One possible explanation for the difference between the food as contamination and food as substance repertoires relates to the construction of masculinity. Real (1996) argues that in contemporary western society masculinity is measured by the extent to which it is ‘not feminine’. In the food as substance repertoire there is an attempt to differentiate the masculine practice of shaping the body from the feminine practice. Body-builders will not usually use the phrases ‘to diet’ or to ‘restrict’ as is the case in the food as contamination repertoire. Instead, they refer to reducing body fat as ‘cutting’. The expression ‘to cut’ expresses superiority over feminine dieting. It is used in contrast to the helpless nature of feminine ‘calorie counting’ and ‘restriction’; it demonstrates the masculine power to ‘cut’ and shape the body as opposed to the submissive mechanism of avoidance.
important that you stock up to get the day going in the right direction. consume both high and low glycaemic carbs I find it difficult so satisfy the palate this early in the morning with meats as my protein source so I use whey protein (theres your protein source) blended with 500ml of semi-skimmed milk (protein, carbs and fats), poured over 5 wheatabix (low glycaemic carbs).
(Body-Building)
This breakfast suggestion is a good example of the food as substance repertoire; every food here is viewed for its functionality and its substance. One can almost get carried away describing this through the metaphor of the “android perspective” in the “Terminator 2” films featuring body-builder idol, Arnold Schwarzenegger. Through the eyes of the android (Arnold Schwarzenegger) a colourless world is perceived for its functionality, every object is labelled by a singular meaning. This metaphor portrays the popular construction of this masculine archetype. It underlines how the muscular body represents a manifestation of a masculine identity, an identity which stands for rationality and success in the modern capitalist “mode of organization”.
Conclusion
Through the repertoires used in the pro-anorexia and the body-building journals, we have explored the notion that the body is related to as a commodity. We have seen that the body applies to the same set of significations that commodities have in our consumer culture. Body image is linked to social status, success, happiness, salvation and the construction of identity, all of which can be comprehended by a capitalist consumer ‘mode of organization’. Much has been written, said and debated about the ‘pathologies’ which arise in the pursuit of a ‘body ideal’. The concern, however, is not to place individuals and their perspectives on a ‘normality spectrum’. It is important to understand how these social mechanisms and constructs operate and are being made sense of by individuals. A further understanding of these social constructions, even by simply bringing them to light, can influence the way they are consequently shaped and understood. It is undeniable that many people experience a lot of suffering in the pursuit of a body ideal. This suffering, however, should be seen in the wider context of the commodity pursuit in our society. It may be fruitful to further investigate the ways in which individuals negotiate the extent to which society is responsible for their understanding of body image.
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[1] Or ideals - as there are different variations which may signify different things, different social affiliations and identities.
[2] 2 threads were excluded from the body-building forum and none from the pro-anorexia one.
[3] The extracts used as examples so far, have mostly been pro-anorexia threads; however, this is coincidental as they represent themes and repertoires analogous in both pro-anorexia and body-building.
[4] Much could be said about the signified of these archetypical ‘brands’ or body ideals (Featherstone, Baudillard, Cook, Myth of Beauty), however, it is not my intention to open this discussion here, as this paper lacks the scope to do so and much has been said on the subject already.
I wrote this essay as my second year research project at the university of Bath - May 2007.
